Friday, August 12, 2011

Rise of the Epsilon

Only one way of looking at things produces a supreme sense of understanding and that is a completely controlled form of delirium or simulation.

- Baudrillard, Cool Memories


Social disorder in a number of Britain’s major cities has stoked fears about social order, in particular race and class. Accordingly, pundits of all persuasions are cranking up their propaganda machines, getting irate, and trying to whip up some mob frenzy around their pet issue or political outlook. Even before the fires were extinguished and order restored the usual suspects were on the scene.


The topics for discussion are familiar: big states, small states, markets, communities, traditional values or new ones, too much welfare or too little. Dependent on political persuasion they condemn or contextualise, but above all bemoan the impunity and brazenness of it all. However, viewing events through these mainstream frames obscures wider civilisational disorder.


Initial musing about race relations and police shootings has waned as a strange materialism stripped of any bounds emerged as the primary behaviour amongst the mob. This is the Epsilon on the rampage; obsessively coveting the material trappings of modernity, yet burning or otherwise destroying what can’t be plundered. It indicates deeply disturbed views on life. However, these views do not seem restricted to those running amok on the streets. There is clearly a profound disconnect between the cohabiting residents of London.


The Commons, the media, and undoubtedly the streets are now awash with competing perspectives on the event. However, the chaos does not reveal any clear lessons about society, the welfare state, youth, or much else for that matter. Indeed this urgent effort to bring meaning to the events is more illuminating than the staid arguments on offer.


The desire to explain is common and urgent. Developing a rational explanation is the first step to reasserting control over life. Explanations facilitate rational responses, promise to stop the behaviour, and return the sensation of normality. However, I feel that this is an instance where reason will not serve society very well.


Indeed the sheer lack of reason is rapidly becoming the stand out characteristic of the event. There is no issue, no platform, no slogans, nothing. It seems we have reached what many critics argue is the final destination of postmodern society’s march to nihilism: a spatiality and practice free of politics. Here is our Brave New World.


Yet fundamental to reaching this point is an approach to society that demands clear causality. In the wave of analysis that currently sweeps the media simple reductions abound. However, what is on show here is not a rampaging, monstrous youth born of the welfare state. Youth is always imagined as overindulged, irresponsible and threatening.


Nor it is simply a matter of the cuts; though those last few quid a week are vital for many, should we honestly believe that explains all this? Of course it is also alienation. This is a generation with fewer chances than many. A situation made worse by the abundant celebration of material splendour all around them.


To try to extrapolate simple lessons from these riots them is to embrace the view that society is simply a complex mechanical entity that requires periodic tinkering to ensure its smooth function. However this is not the case. This disorder is not simply malfunction. A riot is not a protest, nor any other kind of statement, it has no reasonable implications.


Many decry the behaviour of an underclass and call for greater effort to contain and rendered them harmless. State technologies such as prisons, welfare, and education are reiterated as the favoured remedies. However, this simply indulges the notion that the Epsilons really are Epsilons, social detritus that threatens society proper.


However, such a view is challenged by reports that “normal people” have been participant in the disorder. It also demands consideration that despite their lack of participation in organised education and sanctioned economies, perhaps the Epsilon underclass is not as ignorant of society as many would suggest. The idea that being illiterate or uneducated necessarily implies an inability to ponder how things work seems to belie a lack of imagination. Baudrillard reminds us that pondering the others’ stupidity is a risky game. Taken to its extreme, stupidity holds intelligence in check.


Those who find themselves largely excluded from society may have a far more interesting perspective of how it works than those nestled safely within. In this sense these events give cause to consider - in a vague and ambiguous manner - the tone pervading society. Over the last few years it is increasingly visible that social elites behave as though their actions held no consequences, their privileged positions no responsibilities.


Think not only of the ill-conceived wars of choice dubiously begun and carelessly abandoned, but also of the global economy held to ransom by markets and financial institutions “too big to fail” regardless of their irresponsible, antisocial behaviour. These examples are also underwritten by a nihilism that says: I will have my way regardless. If such behaviour constitutes the tone at the top, a tone against which no social strata musters pragmatic opposition, what is left but mimesis?


Should we glean anything at all, it is that nihilism is both a collective and an individual choice. We can confront the strange, complex troubles which beset us socially and personally, we can also try to ignore it all by clinging to rehearsed arguments about order and property, or we can go wild, senselessly taking or destroying whatever takes our fancy.


the Colonial

Wednesday, August 10, 2011

Saturday, August 6, 2011

Virtual Insanity

Sadly it would appear that some of Australia’s better opinion writers have taken their eyes off the ball and become lost in the heady churn of the news cycle. Madame Albrechtsen’s article in the Australian has mistakenly been read as a serious argument rather than ironic subversion. I thought it a witty - at times hilarious - satire of the PC “debate”, alas it seems I am mistaken.


Mme Albrechtsen correctly identifies that public transgression of PC boundaries now constitutes the fundamental basis for discourse in our contemporary society. The tired tub-thumpers of every political persuasion now employ this practice to gain exposure. After all it is rather easy compared to the time consuming, oft-painful, and always difficult technique of thinking and constructing a coherent and considered argument.


Masterfully, Albrechtsen inserts the PC exploiters’ tricks - misdirection and sleight of hand - into her argument. She provides some headline examples of PC infringing: good old Geert Wilders sometime filmmaker and aspiring wedge politician, our own Pauline, some academics no one cares about anyway, and of course climate sceptics.


Having got some hackles up with these cases, she deploys the sleight of hand. Bang: it is explained that this situation is mysteriously correlated with the West’s capitulation before Islam. This is an elegant, ironic demonstration of the PC warrior in action.


Having banged on about the sneaky deployment of bipartisanship to stifle debate, the horrendous Germanic cancer on open inquiry die Totschweigtaktik, Albrechtsen proceeds to demonstrate just how it is done: invoking the clash of civilisations whilst tiptoeing around the longstanding bipartisan support for the war on terror.


Following Albrechtsen’s argument nothing makes sense, logic can be torn free from any bearings and be utilised to any end. Thus as a society we are not at war, because we engage in free and open discourse to do with politics. Yet apparently we are struggling with Islam and capitulating because we cannot cause offence. However, that we are also at war with militant Islamic sentiment is apparently not worth mention.


In the world of PC arguments a spatial separation is erected allowing arguments about virtual struggles with Islam within western discourse to obscure the actual struggle, which takes place across the western defined “Islamic World”. Despite the mainstream insistence that there is no connection between the virtual and the real, it is evident that there is.


The violence that may kill but not offend is predominantly restricted to cities and towns mainly occupied by Muslims. However, in periodic events such as September 11, the bombings in Madrid, London, Oslo and elsewhere the real disrupts the virtual. As Albrechtsen demonstrates when this does occur rather than discuss the implications of this situation, the deathly silence surrounding the merits of aimless violence remains. Instead we babble about the state of our discourse.


the Colonial